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Participatory Democracy in Bangladesh : Minority Problems
*Dalem Ch. Barman

Introduction: Kinds of Minorities

There are different categories of minorities in Bangladesh. There are religious minorities like Hindus, Buddhists and Christians; ethnic minorities like Chakma, Garo etc. and there are also sect minorities like Ahmedia among the Muslims. Our independence leaders also declared that there would be only one kind of minority in Bangladesh: political minority. This declaration was directly related with the religious basis of Pakistan and the exploitation of human being in the name of religion. The problems of different minority groups are different, which are related with their history, wealth base, numerical strength and places of their residence. Among the minorities, Hindus are the majority, who were once considered to be obstacles on the way of development of the Muslims during the later days of the British rule. Their position is, therefore, both critical and crucial in the country along and in its democratic process.

Emergence of Bangladesh: Negation of the Two-Nation Theory

To talk about the minorities in Bangladesh, one cannot but also talk about the emergence of Bangladesh itself as an independent country. Bangladesh emerged as an independent country out of a war of liberation, a very costly war, the price of which was paid by the Bengalis with the prestige, properties, blood and lives. Bangladesh is, in fact, a negation of the two-nation theory propounded by the Muslim League leader Mohammad Ali Jinnah as a part of the British conspiracy to divide India. While the Indian National Congress wanted an undivided India, the Muslim League preferred its division to create a separate homeland for the Muslims of India as it was thought that the lives and properties of the Muslims would not be safe in India dominated by the Hindus. On the 14th of August 1947 Pakistan came into being as an independent country and, the area that constitutes today's Bangladesh became a part of Pakistan. Of course, the Muslims of East Pakistan did never get any justice from the Muslim rulers of West Pakistan and, hence, Rounaq Jahan has observed, "The Bengalis formed the majority of Pakistan's population, but their efforts to participate in the decision-making process of the country through democratic electoral processes were thwarted repeatedly, in 1954, 1958, and 1970." Hindus were treated differently and a large number of Hindus, particularly the well to do Hindus, leaders, businessmen and professionals left Pakistan for India. The process of leaving Pakistan by Hindus continued for the whole period up to the emergence of Bangladesh.

Since Bangladesh is treated as a negation of the two-nation theory, minorities, particularly the religious minorities and more so the Hindus felt a sigh of relief and they felt safer when the Constitution of Bangladesh incorporated four fundamental principles of state policies - democracy, nationalism, secularism and socialism. These four cardinal principles were the direct result of nearly a quarter century Pakistani rule. Pakistan was created on the basis of religion and Muslim brotherhood but failed to bring amity between the two groups of Muslims of East and West Pakistan. It was rather religion played the havoc and ruined Pakistan. That is why our leaders thought of, indeed, very rightly, introducing and practicing secularism in all state of affairs, keeping religion as a private affair of an individual. Nationalism implying Bengali nationalism accommodating people of all religions, socialism as a reaction of capitalism practiced in Pakistan and democracy which was denied as well as denounced throughout the Pakistani rule were also conceived to ensure a system where all sections of people could participate freely and effectively in the process of politics and governance. However, the situation changed very quickly as the civilian rule was captured by the military rulers in 1975, the fourth year of the country's independence. They brought some basic changes in the Constitution. Two provisions of the Constitution were changed through the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution. Secularism was replaced by 'absolute trust and faith in the almighty Allah' and socialism was conceived as economic and social justice. The Eighth Amendment to the Constitution, made again under the rule and instruction of another military ruler, Islam was accorded the status of state religion of Bangladesh. The members of other religious communities considered themselves downgraded to the second-class citizens, though it was clearly proclaimed that the people of other communities would be free to preach, profess and practice their own religions. Along with these, the concept of citizenship was also changed from Bangalee to Bangladeshi de-emphasizing the solidarity of one people and one nation. The nationhood of Bangalee stood for uniting force, whereas the nationhood of Bangladeshi created divisions among the people. "A question was immediately posed from a religious angle whether a citizen is first a Bengali and then a Muslim or first a Muslim and then a Bengali. Nevertheless the rightist forces were pleased that Zia had dropped the word 'Bangalee' from the Constitution and felt that the word 'Bangaldeshi' was more Islamic."

The Enemy/Vested Property Act: A Discriminatory Law

Another historical fact is very important so far as the position of the Hindus is concerned. It is the Vested Property Act, which was enacted as the Enemy Property Act after the 1965 war between Pakistan and India. The essence of the Act was that after 1965 war India was treated by Pakistan as an enemy country and, any property in Pakistan belonging to a Hindu living in India would be treated as enemy property and would be looked after by the state as the custodian. The interesting thing is that the Act affected only a Hindu and not any other member belonging to any other religion. The name of the Act has been changed after the emergence of Bangladesh from 'Enemy Property' to 'Vested Property,' other things remained unchanged. This Act has created a scope for the state and its functionaries to exploit, oppress and exhaust the Hindus. Many political parties including Awami League, the party that gave leadership in the liberation war of the country, have so far ruled the country. But nobody did abolish the Act. This has created a serious problem for the members of the Hindu minority community to participate in the democratic process of the country. In one estimate, Abul Barkat and others have shown that "the approximate number of the missing Hindu population was as high as 703 persons per day during 1964-1971, 537 persons per day during 1971-1981 and 439 persons per day during 1981-1991." These figures reveal that the largest number of Hindus migrated due to the effect of the Enemy/Vested Property Act. They have, therefore, observed, "if the estimates are close to reality, then the inference emerges that the Enemy and Vested Property Acts acted as an effective mechanism for the extermination of Hindu minorities from their own motherland..." This background information is certainly very important so far as the participation of the Hindus in the country's democratic process is concerned.

Democracy: A Participatory Process

Democracy needs not to be called participatory as nothing can be called democratic without the elements of participation. Kristine A Herrmann and John M. Richardson Jr. observed that democracy is based on three elements - competitively selected leaders, public decision-making, and popular participation. They have also identified the areas of participation and said "A democratic political system includes the entire social process of political decision-making, from government agencies to citizens' groups; it includes both government and society. Measurements of democracy typically focus on institutions rather than individuals, however the two are inextricably linked. Individual freedoms are necessary to sustain democratic institutions. Democratic institutions are more likely to protect individual freedoms." Freedom is again something that an individual enjoys. It is the absence of oppression from the government and other agencies. Northern democratic traditions emphasize three inalienable freedoms: rights to personal security, personal expression and political participation. Now-a-days economic and social rights are included under the umbrella of freedom. However, the disadvantaged groups in most societies such as women and minorities are denied freedoms given to others. This is very important so far as the participation of the minorities in the democratic processes of any country is concerned.

Minority: By Will and Force


The issue of minority has so far attracted very little attention from political scientists. Anthropologists and sociologists have in recent years taken initiative to explain ethnicity and minority problems. Louis Wirth pioneered the study of minority problems, who offered a definition and classification of minorities. According to him minority is 'a group of people who, because of their physical or cultural characteristics, are singled out from the others in the society in which they live for differential and unequal treatment, and who, therefore, regard themselves as object of collective discrimination.' He further states that 'the existence of minority in a society implies the existence of a corresponding dominant group enjoying higher social status and greater privileges. Minority status carries with it the exclusion from full participation in the life of the society.' Another author J. A. Laponce addressed himself to the questions relating to democracy and minorities, the impact of minorities on political parties, the electoral system, parliament, administration, and the judiciary and developed a very appropriate definition. He defined minority as 'a group of people who, because of a common racial, linguistic, religious or national heritage which singles them out from the politically dominant cultural group, a fear that they may either be prevented from integrating themselves into the national community of their choice or be obliged to do so at the expense of their identity.' A minority may thus seek to maintain either a separate identity or integrate with the national community. There may, therefore, be two groups of minorities: minority by will, minority by force. The attitude of the minority towards the dominating group is the key element in this categorization. The minority may wish to be assimilated within the majority, or it may refuse to assimilate. 'The minority that desires assimilation but is barred is a minority by force. The minority that refuses assimilation is a minority by will.'

Minorities in Bangladesh are both by will and force. The ethnic minorities desire to maintain their distinct identity, therefore, may be called minority by will. On the other hand, the Hindus and other non-ethnic minorities want to assimilate within the majority community. But they are kept distinct by different laws and regulations as well as the activities of some of the majority community people in different ways and on different occasions. The change in the fundamental character of the Constitution, the status of Islam as the state religion and the discriminatory laws like the Enemy/Vested Property Act are some of the factors that stand on the way of the assimilation of the willing minorities with the majority These minorities thus may be treated as minority by force.

The minorities account for nearly fifteen percent of the total population of the country and their role in the working of participatory democracy may be viewed as an important problem. It assumes special weight if we look at the problems they face in taking part in the voting process as the elected and the electors. The Constitution of Bangladesh, as it stands now, though contains certain Islamic symbols, prescribes equal rights for all religious communities in voting and contesting for public offices. But their role or place in the process does not correspond with the proportion to the population. This relates to certain difficulties, which lie in the practical field. The levels of their economic development, literacy, access to resources of information all decide their role in the process.

Political Attitudes and other Factors: Not Propitious for Participation

The attitudes of political actors largely create an atmosphere not propitious for the smooth and effective role to be played by the minorities. An appeal to the religion is thought to be a cheap way to draw to members of the religious majority community into one's fold for the purpose of winning at the election race. The exploitation of the religious sentiments during the election period frustrates the hope of a candidate belonging to a minority community. This in turn discourages even the secular parties to nominate persons of minority communities for any election of parliament or local government. This trend is taking even firmer root day by day. The parties are growing accustomed not to give nomination to minority community members, except in those areas (constituencies) where minorities are in overwhelming numbers. In general, no parties are willing to take any risks of losing seat or office by nominating a person who is nearly destined to fail because of his religious background. In the case of 300 general seats of Parliament, any major party hardly nominates more than 10 to 15 candidates belonging to the minority communities. In Bangladesh, not only in the elections of Parliament, but also in different local bodies and professional groups reflect almost the same trend with rare exceptions.

The elections, as are now a days held, require in most cases, a huge strength in the form of muscle and money power. This is especially needed to ward off any threat or obstruction from the rival candidates in the way of carrying out the election campaign. Members of a minority community, as a matter of fact, are generally unwilling to undergo this sort of trouble and confrontation, lest the rivals should appeal to their religious identity leading to an unpredictable situation.

The recent voting behaviour of the minorities have been affected by a sort of indolence and apathy as a result of exercise of threat and factual operation upon them by certain quarters. Like minorities in other countries, those in Bangladesh normally support a secular-minded party and generally they do it in an aggregate. In many constituencies they thus hold the balance between the main contesting candidates and determine, to a large extent, the fate of the candidates. They, therefore, become target of threat and attack in the hands of those who assume that the minority votes would go for their rival candidates. Sometimes armed groups raid the localities of the minorities and cause them to stay at home under threat of violence, thus debarring them from exercising their franchise. In many occasions, other persons forcibly cast their votes. All these phenomena and an apprehension regarding security of person and property cause minorities to keep aloof from the election process. They feel that their primary end is to keep their property and means of livelihood safe and secure and that should not invoke trouble to these unnecessarily indulging in politics.

Way Out: Some Suggestions

Some measures may be suggested to open up avenues for the better participation of the minorities in the working of democratic process in Bangladesh.

The practice of creating a sense of antagonism and segregation on religious lines in the whole political process should be discarded. Secular political culture should be promoted discouraging appeal for vote in the name of religion and religious identity of candidates in all election campaigns. The inculcation of secular ideas in the minds of the people should encourage the parties to nominate persons belonging to a minority community in different levels of elections.

Minority leaders themselves have an essential duty to perform with a view to making room for greater participation in the democratic competition. They could, through intense fieldwork and service, familiarize and prove themselves able to represent the interests of the local people irrespective of religion and caste. They should seek to equip themselves with specialized knowledge, so that they may attain to high esteem in the eye of the general public.

To dispel the voting apathy of the minorities, particularly, in remote rural areas, the role of administration is of prime importance. It must ensure security of person and property of the minorities during and after the elections. It must keep the minority localities or villages, free from the attack or disturbance by armed groups at the time of elections and must take steps to provide protection against the post-election backlash. Many minority voters abstain from voting because of fear of backlash, which not infrequently occurs. For example, after the 2001 general election a two-day national convention entitled "Crime Against Humanity: Political Persecution" was organized at Dhaka on 14-15 February 2002. It has been alleged in the Convention Report that consequent upon October 2001 election there have been widespread incidents of physical torture on the opposition political party Awami League. The workers and supporters of the victorious parties have subjected the supporters, workers and leaders of Awami League and other small opposition political parties including the members of the minority communities to physical and psychological torture. The Report recorded the day-to-day incidents of torture committed on October 3 - December 31, 2001 and made an appeal to the readers 'to eradicate the fascist tendencies of the administration and establish the Rule of Law in the country'.

Conclusion: Tasks Ahead

Right of a person is best secured when he/she himself/herself stands for it. The votes of minorities are one of the determining factors in the choice of the government. So they have to overcome all fears to exercise franchise in communion with the whole population. When they can prove the importance of their voting power and their ability to exercise it against all odds, the political parties and even the government would feel constrained to pay heed to their demands and grievances. In this connection, it may be mentioned here that the Hindu-Buddha-Christian Oikya Parishad, a non-political organization has started demanding separate electorate to ensure their participation in the political process. This organization came out as the instant reaction to the eighth amendment to the Constitution that made Islam the state religion of the country. The demand has got a support due to the claim made by some political parties for proportional representation in the public bodies. Our Constitution itself contains a provision for special laws and regulation for weaker sections and, as a consequence of that provision our women have, from the very beginning been enjoying special privilege to send their representatives in the parliaments except in the present one. In local councils also they have quota systems. Article 28 (4) of the Constitution states," Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making special provision in favour of women or children or for the advancement of any backward section of citizens ". I would, however, not plead for separate electorate as I believe that 'united we stand, divided we fall'. But the secularism should be restored to the Constitution and discriminatory laws like the Vested Property Act should be abandoned to make the minorities feel secure and free from harassment.

Our unitary system of governance and administration constrains the scope of popular participation. I cannot suggest the federal type like India but I must say that the administration should be structured in such a way so that the constitutional provision of "effective participation by the people through their elected representative in administration at all levels shall be ensured." This implies that the system of local government at all levels should be fully introduced and practiced.

At the end I would also like to make some suggestions for the sustained development of democracy in Bangladesh, which will also ensure adequate avenues for effective participation of the people belonging to minority communities.
  1. The government will have to attain credibility and gain the confidence of the people.
  2. The rule of law and observance of human rights have to be established.
  3. Free and fair elections must be guaranteed.
  4. A long-term economic policy addressing the basic needs of the country is imperative for the survival of the democratic process. Revitalization of the economy through increased production and investment should be the most important national agenda.
  5. An atmosphere and tradition of tolerance has to be created, in which different political parties can work as equal and responsible partners in the process of government. The governance of the country should be freed from parochial coterie interests.
  6. The party organization itself must have a democratic framework, with responsible leaders and an emphasis on collective decisions.
  7. The participation of the people in the governmental process at sub-national levels should be taken as another precondition of democratization.
  8. It is essential that the political parties maintain constant contact with the people, which will consequently narrow down the gap between the governed and the government.
  9. The use of arms and muscle power and the emergence of armed hoodlums have added a dangerous dimension to politics. Anarchy and violence are visible in the political arena; the infiltration of armed brigands among the student forces had vitiated the political viability of the student community as a driving force in the politics of the country. It should be realized that the use of arms and musclemen in politics is completely contradictory to democratic values and norms. Future leaders and decision-makers who experience such a culture of violence will grow up with undemocratic norms imbibed in their character.
  10. A free and effective media is an important catalyst for democratization; recognition of the positive role media plays in the process of democratization will greatly augment its role.
  11. An unholy alliance of capital and political party, a very powerful deterrent to democracy, should not be allowed to take place. This is, of course, a very common feature of politics in developing countries.
  12. Political (electoral) rights are never meaningful without equal rights in the sphere of economic development. Imbalances in the society created by the absence of equal rights and opportunities regarding resources, employment, education, health, shelter etc., generate feelings of deprivation, which jeopardize democratization. Therefore, certain social and economic issues should be emphasized.
  1. Rounaq Jahan, Pakistan: Failure in National Integration, Dhaka: University Press Limited, 1972, p. 203,
  2. Moudud Ahmed, Democracy and the Challenge of Development: Study of Politics and Military Intervention in Bangladesh, Dhaka: The University Press Limited, 1995, p. 57,
  3. Abul Barkat, 1977, p. 53,
  4. Ibid,
  5. Abdul Momin Chowdhury and Dalem Chandra Barman, ''Bangladesh: Democratisation in Crisis'' in Richardson Jr., John M. and Samarasinghe, S W R de A, (eds.), Democratisation in South Asia: The First Fifty Years, Sri Lanka: Sridevi Printers (Pvt) Limited, 1998, p.7,
  6. Ibid,
  7. As cited in Mohammad Ghulam Kabir, Minority Politics in Bangladesh, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Pvt Ltd, 1980, p. 8,
  8. Ibid,
  9. Ibid,
  10. Ibid,
  11. "Introduction", National Convention, 2002,
  12. Government of Bangladesh, The Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, (As modified up to 31st December, 1998).
  13. Government of Bangladesh, the article 11 of the Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, (As modified up to 31st December 1998)
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